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Padilla Held Not Retroactive: SCOTUS Decides Chaidez v. U.S....

2/21/2013

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What a let down.  The judicial floor is a mess of split hairs.

Yes, I'm talking about yesterday's long-awaited decision of the Supreme Court in Chaidez v. United States, No. 11-820 (Feb. 20, 2013).

We've blogged about what I still believe to be the landmark decision of Padilla v. Kentucky, 130 S. Ct. 1473 (2010). We've talked about how this decision was profoundly limited here in Virginia by the Virginia Supreme Court's decision in Commonwealth v. Chan and Commonwealth v. Morris.


The issue in Chaidez was whether Padilla is retroactive.  That is, what about all the people who got convicted without being warned about immigration consequences before that became ineffective assistance of counsel? (In other words, the Supreme Court said that defense attorneys have a duty to advise their non-citizen clients about immigration consequences - but that question is whether that duty has always existed, or whether it's a "new rule" and therefore only applies to convictions after the date of the Padilla decision.)

It wouldn't be a stretch to say that the Supreme Court knocked out most of teeth of Padilla with the Chaidez decision yesterday.  It held that Padilla announced a "new rule" of criminal procedure, and therefore it only applies to convictions that occurred after the decision came down (in March 2010), but not before.

The "new rule" test originated in an older Supreme Court case, Teague v. Lane, 489 US 288 (1989). On its face, the test makes sense: if a new decision applies an existing law to a new set of circumstances, then that law has always been the law and it will apply backwards and forwards, i.e., not just after the new decision, but before it as well.  But if the new decision creates new law, then it is not retroactive and applies forward only.

The issue is whether Padilla can be considered a new rule or not.  In a 7-2 decision, the Supreme Court said yes, it's a new rule.  To do so, they had to split a lot of hairs.  They recognized that the test for what's considered ineffective assistance of counsel is not new (Strickland v. Washington). But, they reasoned, the fact that they even had to decide whether the Strickland test applied was a brand new rule, fresh from the judicial oven.

That's kind of like saying these pancakes aren't the same as those pancakes because for these pancakes, we had to determine whether we had to use flour or not.

The "new rule" the majority says they create was applying the Sixth Amendment to civil (collateral) proceedings.  It may be true that Padilla may have been one of the first times it was expressly extended to removal proceedings - but for the Supreme Court to ignore over half a century of its own jurisprudence - all the way from Fong Haw Tan to St. Cyr - and hide behind the fact that no case had "dictated" a new rule - is disingenuous.  These lines of cases all stand for the proposition that deportation is not merely a collateral civil matter.  And in St. Cyr the Court clearly states that competent defense counsel would inform their client about the deportation consequences.  Yet the Court says no, this is the first time we've clearly stated the Sixth Amendment applies.  Under this rationale, the Court need not have relied on the half-century of de facto constitutional protections extended into removal proceedings.  Because hey, it's a brand-new rule.

It's like applying for a job, starting work, getting your first paycheck, but then being told you're not an employee because your offer letter hasn't been signed.

A common-sense approach would dictate that the decision should be retroactive.  The majority's decision leaves at least a 20 year constitutional hole.  Because since the Immigration Act of 1990, and then IIRAIRA in 1996, the immigration consequences of criminal activity became constitutionally significant.  The fact that the Supreme Court didn't recognize the constitutional problems until 2010 does not mean they did not exist.

The dissent correctly notes that Padilla is a new application of a well-settled rule to the immigration context.  Saying that there was new law involved in deciding whether to apply the test is, frankly, hair-splitting.  If that were the case, it is hard to envision any decision not being a "new rule." 

This decision exalts form over function.  The fundamental spirit of Teague v. Lane could still have been respected and followed by the dissent's position. It is only because the Court found that no prior decision "dictated" the new rule (even though the half-century of jurisprudence all but did exactly that) 

In 50 years, I would hope that the criminal and immigration bars become so close that defendants can expect to receive competent immigration advice.  Certainly most courts have made procedural changes to comply with Padilla - though there are a lots of times, still, where defense counsel falls short.  But the people that needed Padilla the most are the ones who got victimized (for lack of a better term) by swiftly changing immigration laws that played tic-tac-toe with the collective learning curve of the criminal defense bar until the Supreme Court finally stepped in to stop it.  The folks who pleaded guilty after IIRAIRA to crime they didn't know had just become aggravated felonies.  It's disappointing that the Supreme Court can extend constitutional protections, and note all the while of the dire need to do so, and then hold that the very people who need it most cannot benefit from it.
 

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Newly Released White House Immigration Plan Provides a Clear Path to Citizenship

2/20/2013

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This past weekend, an Obama Administration official leaked a partial draft of a White House immigration proposal.  It is just a draft, it is not complete, it is not yet law, but it still gives us an idea of what the White House is thinking about immigration reform.  So far the White House has been relatively silent, supporting bipartisan efforts on immigration reform in Congress from the sidelines.  However, the White House has finally spoken up and we like what they have proposed.  This is what the White House plan includes:

Creation of a new “lawful prospective immigrant visa”

In order to provide a path to citizenship for the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S.,  the White House proposes creating a “lawful prospective immigrant” visa, similar to the visa proposed by the Senate group working on immigration reform.  The White House version of the visa would allow immigrants to reside legally in the U.S. for four years.  After the four years are up, they could reapply for an extension.  During that time they would be allowed to leave the country to travel for short periods of time.  After eight years, immigrants could apply for a green card, if they have learned English and about the history and government of the U.S, and have paid their back taxes.  After they receive a green card, they would be on the path to U.S. Citizenship.  

Proposed requirements to qualify for “lawful prospective immigrant” visa:

To apply for the new visa, immigrants would have to pass a criminal background check, fill out an application, and pay fees to qualify for the proposed visa.  They would be disqualified if they were convicted of a crime that involved a sentence of at least one year, three or more crimes that resulted in 90 or more days in jail, or if they committed an offense abroad that if committed in the United States would make them inadmissible or removal from the United States.  

Immigrants in federal custody or facing deportation proceedings would be allowed to apply for the Lawful Prospective Immigrant visa.  

Other details:

In addition to providing lawful status to undocumented immigrants, the plan would also provide more border security funding and also expand the E-verify program to require business owners to check the immigration status of newly hired employees.  

White House Proposal Offers a Clearer Path to Citizenship that the Current Senate Proposal:

The White House plan offers a much clearer path to citizenship than the current Senate proposal.  The White House plan would place immigrants on the path to citizenship by allowing them to apply for a green card within 8 years after obtaining their provisional visa.  This is in sharp contrast to the Senators' proposed plan.  While the Senators' plan would provide people with a provisional visa, it would not allow people to apply for a green card and start on a path to citizenship until the border is deemed to be “secure.”  We have no idea when that will be or how we will decide when the border is secure.  As Hassan noted in the blawg on Monday, when reporters asked Senator McCain, one of the members of the Senate group, how we will know when the border is finally secure, he said, "I'll know it when I see it."  His response was no help to immigrants looking for a definite timeline for when they can apply for a green card.

If the Senators' proposal becomes law, and immigrants are forced to wait to apply for a green card without knowing when or even if they will ever be able to apply for one, immigration reform will fail.  It will fail because the uncertainty the Senators' plan contains will not provide the security immigrants need to become full participants in our society.  The plan will instead create a second tier society where immigrants with provisional visas will have different rights than the rest of Americans for a long, unknown period of time.  We don't want this.  

Instead, we want to see something along the lines of the White House plan, where immigrants can be sure that within a definite time-frame, within a certain number of years, they will be able to become permanent residents, and then citizens.  

Only when Congress passes a bill that provides a definite path to citizenship, free of amorphous requirements to “secure the border” first, only then will we achieve the Senators' and the Presidents' goal of fixing our broken immigration system and bringing undocumented immigrants into full participation in American society.
 
USA Today article which first reported the leaked plan:  
http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/02/16/obama-immigration-bill/1925017/.  

Carly Stadum-Liang, Esq.

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Marriage Fraud: Void For Vagueness?

2/19/2013

8 Comments

 
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Update 4/9/2013: Baltimore City Paper publishes an article about attorney Hassan Ahmad's constitutional challenge to the marriage fraud statute.



Original Blawg Post follows:


People get married for many reasons. Love, wanting to start a family, convenience, arranged by parents, etc.  But what if getting a green card is part of the decision to get married? At what point does the marriage become "fraudulent"?

Marriage fraud - known commonly as a "sham marriage" or "marriage of convenience" or "green card marriage" or "fake marriage" - is such a large problem, and has been going on for so long, you would think the answer to that question would have long been settled.

It hasn't, and it isn't.

We've blogged about what to do when a marriage is shaky.  But today's topic is marriage fraud.


Marriage fraud has been a favorite option of the fraudsters who want to gain permanent residency quickly.  In our experience, contractual fraud is the most common type: alien meets US citizen, agree to marry, get green card, and then divorce.  Sometimes the alien and the US citizen are introduced via a marriage "broker." Other times they are friends, and may even date each other before tying the knot.  Sometimes the US citizen wants to "help" the alien who is facing deportation.

There are two main laws concerning marriage fraud.  INA 204(c) states that no visa petition may be approved under INA §204 if the “alien has previously been accorded, or has sought to be accorded, an immediate relative or preference status as the spouse of a citizen of the United States or the spouse of an alien lawfully admitted for permanent residence, by reason of a marriage determined by the Attorney General to have been entered into for the purpose of evading the immigration laws…” 

That means if an alien entered into a fraudulent marriage, no one else can ever sponsor him for anything.

Secondly, there's the federal statute,  8 U.S.C. 1325(c) states that "any individual who knowingly enters into a marriage for the purpose of evading any provision of the immigration laws shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years, or fined not more than $250,000, or both."

Note the language in each one: "enters into a marriage for the purpose of evading [any provision] of the immigration laws."

The first law, Section 204(c) is an agency, administrative remedy. In other words, it's not a crime because you won't go to jail if USCIS makes a finding under 204(c).  The second law, Section 1325(c), on the other hand, is a felony and you can go to jail if a federal prosecutor can prove you violated it.  So it is much more serious an offense.

Compare the language in each one and a few differences come to light.

  • 204(c) does not explicitly say that the act of entering into the marriage had to be known to be fraudulent; 1325(c) does.
  • 204(c) says "evading the immigration laws" whereas 1325(c) interdicts evading "any provision" of the immigration laws.

Yet there are quite a few similarities. As in, similarly deficient:
  • Both talk about "the purpose" as if the purpose for which the marriage was entered into is singular.  Which, logically, would mean that if the only reason for entering the marriage is to get a green card, it would be considered fraudulent.  But if getting a green card was only one reason for the marriage, and there were other, legitimate reasons for the marriage, then it ostensibly should not be considered fraudulent.  But this is not always how it's understood.  Some courts say that if Congress meant to criminalize a marriage only if the only reason was to procure a visa, it would have said "sole" or "only" purpose, not simply "the" purpose.  Other courts say "the purpose" is singular and so is "sole purpose" - therefore if there is a bona fide intent, it's not fraud.  Who's right?
  • Under prevailing agency regulations, USCIS or the immigration judge has to have "substantial and probative" evidence of marriage fraud in order to invoke the 204(c) bar.  That is a standard that applies nationally.  But for 1325(c), depending on where you are, the government might not have to prove anything except that you intended to evade the immigration law.  So the end result is there are some marriages that would not lead to a finding under 204(c) but could be prosecuted criminally under 1325(c)!  This was never Congressional intent.
  • The concept of a fraudulent marriage: Consider a young unmarried couple, one is a citizen and the other on a valid F-1 student visa.  They've been dating for a few months, and love each other, but although they spent a lot of time together, they do not yet live together.  Then the foreign national's father, who was paying his tuition, passes away.  He is forced to drop out of school, and falls out of status.  His US citizen girlfriend is horrified at the prospect of losing her boyfriend whom she cares for very much.  So they decide to get married and file for a green card.  They may or may not have gotten married were it not for the immigration problem, but they do care about each other and had no plans to break up.  They do intend to live together, even establish a life together, but not necessarily "till death do us part." Have they committed marriage fraud?  Arguably, yes.  They married because she did not want him deported.  Of course, they also loved each other and wanted to build a life with each other, but the decision to actually get married was hastened due to the immigration problems.  Now, a US attorney might opt not to prosecute criminally on these facts, but the fact remains that the way the law is written, they could  be prosecuted.  If you read the congressional committee reports on the Immigration Marriage Fraud Amendments (IMFA) of 1986, it was never Congress' intent to punish a couple like this hypothetical one, but the way the law was written, they could be.

The fact remains - people get married for many reasons, not all of which are clear.  And it's precisely because marriage is a personal decision that it needs to be as free as possible from state regulation.  The fact that a legal marriage is itself a create of regulation is of little import: what is being protected, and why marriage is a fundamental constitutional right - is that it is a nearly universally recognized building block of society.  It transcends age, culture, language, time.  Any law that not only implicates this fundamental right, but criminalizes conduct constituting exercise of that fundamental right - must be subjected to the strictest of judicial scrutiny to ensure it passes constitutional muster.  

While 204(c) might take refuge in the stalwart (but subsiding!) plenary power doctrine, statutes like 1325(c) cannot be insulated from judicial review.   Especially when they are criminal statutes.  Especially when they implicate a fundamental right.  And especially when they don't clearly indicate what they're criminalizing!

The government rightly and justifiably has to detect and deter marriage fraud.  But it is respectfully submitted that the permanent and powerful 204(c) bar - which almost always leads to deportation - provides sufficient deterrent protection.  A criminal conviction for 1325(c) rarely results in a lengthy prison sentence, and moreover the criminal aspect should be reserved for those who broker fake marriages, not the actual participants.  Criminal prosecution for marriage fraud overreaches.  It provides little deterrent effect compared to removal proceedings and an order of removal.  Basically, 1325(c) adds nothing to the mix.  As such, it's hard to justify such excessive entanglement of the state in matters of marriage.

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"Secure The Border First" And Why That Makes No Sense

2/18/2013

1 Comment

 
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I never understood this nonsense about "secure the borders first."  According to some lawmakers, there should be no path to citizenship (which really means no reform) until we know the border is secure.

I agree that border security is important.  I also agree that the border should be secured.  But how will we know when it is?  On January 28, 2013, McCain simply told reporters, "I'll know it when I see it." Come on.  

Second, as a practicing immigration lawyer - what seems to be missing from the secure-first crowd's argument is that securing the border - however you define it - is related to immigration reform.  Inextricably related.  You can't do one without the other.  In fact, you will secure the border by passing meaningful reform.  Here's how.

If reform is passed and people have a means to immigrate legally, most folks who would have paid a coyote at least $3000 per person (usually closer to $5000) to cross the border, risking getting shot by cartels and gang members, or dying of thirst or hunger, will certainly have much less an incentive to EWI (enter without inspection.)  That means less people crossing the border.  To the extent a "secure border" means stopping people from EWI-ing - that means it will be easier to make the border more secure.

What about folks who want to flout the law and enter illegally anyway?  The fact that the border is more secure means that the would-be lawbreakers will know that there is a much higher chance they will be caught.  That further chills illegal immigration, which makes the border that much more secure.

Trying to secure it first while we have a broken system is like trying to run up the down escalator.  You're going to expend countless resources chasing an illusory goal, working against the flow and moreover, you'll never really know when you're there.  

If the secure-the-border crowd was really serious about securing the border, they would come out enthusiastically for immigration reform.  

There must be something other reason they're not.


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    Authors

    Sharifa Abbasi, Esq.
    Hassan M. Ahmad, Esq.
    Humza Kazmi, Esq.
    Faisal Khan
    ​Valeria Prudencio
    Carly Stadum-Liang, Esq.

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